WASHINGTON — House Republicans have gotten off to a faster and more united start this year on funding the federal government. Four of the 12 annual budget bills were passed by the end of June, up from zero this time last year as the new majority got off to a slow start.
But there is no denying the spending battles to come.
All four bills passed by the House of Representatives so far have resulted in veto threats from the president Joe Biden ‘s administration and drew broad Democratic opposition and have no chance of passing the Senate in their current form. That means a protracted, months-long fight that will likely require one or more emergency spending bills to keep the federal government fully open when the new fiscal year begins on Oct. 1.
Below is a snapshot of the current status of the budget process and likely bottlenecks.
House Republicans want to pass the 12 budget bills one at a time, rather than bundle them into a single, so-called omnibus bill. They say that would lead to excessive spending and poor government policy, because such large bills are harder to amend or stop without risking a government shutdown.
Earlier this year the chairman said Mike Johnson The discretionary spending bill was split into two bills. Congress finally passed them in March, nearly halfway through the fiscal year. Now, House Republicans plan to move more quickly on fiscal year 2025 budget bills. Johnson boasted that the House has passed four of next year’s budget bills, compared with zero in the Senate.
“House Republicans have committed to rebuilding that muscle memory and maintaining normalcy,” Johnson said.
The House GOP’s momentum is likely temporary. It decided to go its own way rather than work with Democrats on drafting the bills. The GOP leadership jettisoned key aspects of a deal then-Speaker Kevin McCarthy had worked out with Biden, which had set strict spending limits as part of a deal to avoid a crippling default.
The agreement called for a 1 percent increase in defense and nondefense spending in the next fiscal year, which begins Oct. 1. But House Republicans have decided they will pursue a course that would see only defense increase that amount. Nondefense spending would be cut by about 6 percent, rejecting adjustments McCarthy and the White House had agreed to that would have allowed more nondefense spending than was specified in the debt ceiling legislation.
The difference between the two paths is significant. If House Republicans were to stick to the McCarthy-Biden deal, nondefense spending would rise from nearly $773 billion this year to more than $780 billion next fiscal year. Instead, they’re working toward about $725 billion in nondefense spending.
Rep. Tom Cole, the Republican chairman of the House Appropriations Committee, argued that House Republicans are sticking to what was in the debt ceiling bill. Not everything in the Biden-McCarthy deal was in there. Negotiators had agreed to claw back funding approved outside the budget process to shore up non-defense spending and keep it relatively flat. For example, negotiators agreed to cut $20 billion from the IRS and use that money elsewhere.
The White House says that “instead of honoring their agreement” and starting a bipartisan process, “House Republicans are once again wasting time with partisan bills that would result in deep cuts” to law enforcement, education, housing and other programs.
Cole argues that Democrats set the GOP’s course by voting with eight Republicans to impeach McCarthy.
“Democrats need to understand that they helped get rid of the speaker. It was their choice. They had every right to do that. But if you think you can get rid of the person you made the deal with, and the deal stays the same, then maybe you should reconsider,” Cole said.
Meanwhile, House Republicans are adding dozens of policy mandates to spending bills that are dead on arrival with a Democratic-led Senate and White House. For example, the House defense spending bill would not allow the Pentagon to reimburse military personnel for travel costs related to getting an abortion. Many troops and their family members are stationed in states where abortion is now illegal, so they must travel to get abortion care.
Democrats see the House GOP action as a failure to learn the lessons of last year. Any spending bills that become law require bipartisan support. They described the House floor action on the spending bills as a waste of time, since the bills have no chance in the Senate.
“Extreme MAGA Republicans are marching us toward a government shutdown,” warned Democratic leader Hakeem Jeffries.
Senate Budget Committee Chair Patty Murray and the committee’s top Republican, Sen. Susan Collins, have been holding behind-the-scenes talks about total spending on defense and non-defense programs.
Both parties hope to exceed the 1% growth achieved by Biden and McCarthy.
Increasing the defense budget is a top priority for some Republicans, but Murray urges equality.
“Parity is the order of the day,” she said. “Because investments in our families, in our economy, in the safety and success of communities are no less important than investments in the Pentagon.”
The committee is expected to discuss the first three spending bills on Thursday and determine the total amount to be allocated for each of the 12 spending bills.
If the Senate goes beyond the 1 percent increase, it could complicate passage in the House, where many Republicans have seen the spending caps as too generous. A few months after the caps were approved as part of the debt ceiling bill, eight Republicans sided with Democrats to remove then-Speaker McCarthy from office.
No one expects Congress to wrap up its spending work before the new budget year begins on Oct. 1. That means lawmakers in both chambers would have to approve a stopgap spending bill to keep agencies operating for a few more weeks while they work out their differences.
Congress is not expected to convene until October, so lawmakers could be home on the campaign trail. That means spending legislation will be delayed until November and possibly December, or it will be delayed until a new president and Congress have to take it up. Some Republicans think they have a good shot at winning the Senate and the White House, so they should wait until next year to pass spending bills.
But leaders want to tackle spending this year. If Republicans win the Senate and the White House, they want to focus on other priorities, such as tax policy and the border.
“Whether we win the Senate or not, the filibuster is still there, and that’s the real leverage for both parties in the Senate,” Cole said. “So why would you saddle a new president who hasn’t even put his people in place with this?”