NEW YORK — NEW YORK (AP) — Donald Trump has whittled down his vice-presidential shortlist to a handful of contenders as he prepares to announce his choice in the days before – or perhaps even on – next month’s Republican National Convention.
He told reporters Saturday that he has already made his decision and that the person will be in Atlanta on Thursday evening first debate of the general election campaign against the Democratic president Joe Biden.
Trump’s choice would likely become the immediate frontrunner for the Republican presidential nomination in four years if Trump were to win a second term, the constitutional limit. But that No. 2 will be under enormous pressure from Trump and his allies to show loyalty at all times.
After Pence, Trump turned against his first vice president, Mike Pence He rebuffed his boss’s attempts to overturn the results of the 2020 elections, based on false theories promoted by the then-president after his loss to Biden.
Pence has declined to support Trump this time.
Trump has said his top consideration for a vice president is whether someone is qualified to take over as commander in chief.
But there are other factors at play: Who can raise money? Who performs well on television? Who will be most effective in the debate against Vice President Kamala Harris? Who risks eclipsing Trump like a lame duck if he is elected in November, with talk of 2028 soon? And who has “the look”?
Trump’s campaign has repeatedly warned that anyone “who claims to know who or when President Trump will choose his vice president is lying, unless the person’s name is Donald J. Trump.”
And given Trump’s penchant for unpredictability and drama, the best-laid plans could change.
A look at the top candidates heading to the convention in Milwaukee starting July 15.
Trump likes rich people. The two-term governor of North Dakota is definitely rich.
Before his time as governor, Burgum led a software company that was acquired by Microsoft for more than $1 billion. He has also worked in real estate development and venture capital and spent millions on his own bid for the White House.
Burgum initially ran against Trump for the 2024 nomination, but the little-known governor of a sparsely populated state gained little traction. When Burgum dropped his offerHe quickly backed the former president. Since then, Burgum has become one of Trump’s most visible defenders. He has appeared regularly on television, accompanied him at fundraisers and traveled to New York for Trump’s criminal trial.
But more than that, Trump and Burgum hit it off personally.
Burgum and his wife, Kathryn, are said to get along particularly well with Trump and his team — the kind of rapport that is particularly valuable in Trump’s atmosphere. It doesn’t hurt that Trump thinks Burgum looks good — a “central casting” choice.
The choice of Burgum would in some ways mirror Pence: a sedate, uncontroversial governor with less national name recognition. Burgum, 67, is unlikely to compete with Trump for the spotlight or immediately overshadow him with 2028 talk.
Burgum also brings money and wealthy friends to the table.
But does the Republican Party want two older white guys on top of the ticket?
Swiped to national fame for his best-selling memoir, “Hillbilly Elegy,” Vance has been in office for less than two years. But during his brief time in the Senate, the former Ohio venture capitalist has emerged as one of the fiercest defenders of Trump’s “Make America Great Again” agenda, especially when it comes to foreign policy, trade and immigration.
Despite his early criticism of Trump, Vance has built a personal bond with the former president and his son Donald Trump Jr., who has confronted the senator. Vance has become a fixture on the conservative media circuit, regularly sparring with reporters on Capitol Hill and appearing alongside Trump recent fundraisers and at the courthouse.
At 39, Vance would inject some millennial energy into a race where an 81-year-old (Biden) and a 78-year-old (Trump) are at the top of the major parties’ tickets. And a debate with Harris would certainly get heated.
But will Trump be able to overcome Vance’s record of past insults, which he still mentions?
In 2016, Vance was one of Trump’s fiercest critics. He branded the then-reality TV star “a total fraud” and “moral disaster” and called him “America’s Hitler.”
Vance has said Trump’s performance in office has proven him wrong, and the senator is now slamming liberals who turned his book into a bestseller as they searched for a way to understand Trumpism.
If choosing Vance should excite Trump’s base, choosing the Florida senator could broaden the ticket’s appeal, especially among deep-pocketed donors and more establishment and moderate Republicans who are turned off by Trump’s rhetoric and extremism Trump.
Rubio, once seen as a Republican Party hotshot, is now a respected voice on foreign policy and national security issues in his party. The son of Cuban immigrants, he speaks Spanish and could help Trump win over the Spanish-speaking voters his campaign is eagerly courting.
Rubio is also seen as an experienced debater who could hold his own against Harris.
Working with Trump once seemed an unlikely possibility, given that the two were bitter rivals for the Republican nomination in 2016 and attacked each other viciously. Trump belittled Rubio as “little Marco,” mocked him for drinking water during speeches and called him a “nervous case” who was “disgusting.” Rubio said Trump was a “con man” trying to “scam” the Republican Party and Rubio tried to question Trump’s masculinity.
“You know what they say about men with small hands,” Rubio once joked during that campaign.
But then there’s Rubio’s Florida “problem,” as Trump called it.
The Constitution says two candidates from the same state cannot run for president and vice president, meaning Rubio would have to change his residency — something he is reportedly willing to do.
But does he really want the job? Rubio has had a noticeably lower public presence than some others vying to become Trump’s No. 2, and did not appear with Trump at his criminal trial.
The only black Republican in the Senate would bring the South Carolinian racial and stylistic diversity for the GOP ticket as well as the touch of a preacher. The self-described “born again believer” often quotes the Bible in political speeches that often reach a crescendo of “call-and-response.”
While Trump was in the White House, Scott and Trump worked closely on a variety of policy issues, including the Trump tax cuts, opportunity zones and criminal justice reform.
Although Scott ran against Trump for the nomination this year, the senator largely declined to criticize the former president. After failing to gain traction despite millions spent on his behalf by top donors, Scott endorsed Trump over fellow South Carolinian Nikki Haley, Trump’s U.N. ambassador, and immediately began campaigning enthusiastically on behalf of Trump through New Hampshire and South Carolina.
He continues to appear regularly on television and has recently been launched a $14 million campaign to win over minority voters in seven key swing states.
Trump has often joked that Scott is a much better surrogate than a candidate.
But that has also raised questions about how Scott might perform on a debate stage with Harris later this year.
The one woman on his shortlist, the New York congresswoman, could help Trump win over skeptical college-educated suburban women who sided with Biden in 2020.
Stefanik was once an aide to former House Speaker Paul Ryan and served in President George W. Bush’s White House, working for two Republicans now shunned by Trump loyalists. But during Trump’s four years in power, she transformed herself into a full-fledged Trump acolyte.
She defended him vigorously in both of his impeachment trials and denounced his criminal charges. In 2022, Stefanik became the first member of the Republican House leadership to endorse Trump’s campaign, doing so before he had even announced it.
She saw her profile coming up behind her aggressive questioning in December of a trio of university presidents about anti-Semitism on campus that led to two of their resignations. Trump has repeatedly praised that achievement.
Stefanik has spent years working for Trump, positioning himself as one of his most trusted allies and confidantes on Capitol Hill.
But does she, at the age of 39 and a member of the House of Representatives, have enough experience?
Relationships and trust are important to Trump. Carson, who served as Minister of Housing and Urban Development during Trump’s administration, has built a strong bond with the former president over the years, despite a controversial start as rivals in 2016.
A former well-known neurosurgeon with a soft voice, Carson, 72, could help Trump win over minority voters as the first Black person named to a Republican presidential ticket. Given Carson’s age and demeanor, he is unlikely to overshadow Trump or steal the spotlight.
But Carson also has a history of controversial comments on abortion, guns and other issues that could cause headaches for the ticket.
The Florida congressman has become one of Trump’s most prominent conservative black supporters and a reliable surrogate on television and at events.
His selection could boost Trump’s appeal among black voters, especially the younger black men the campaign is courting as it tries to penetrate Biden’s 2020 coalition.
At 45, Donalds is also the kind of fresh face who would provide a clear contrast to the men at the top of both parties’ tickets.
But like Rubio, Donalds would likely have to move to join the ticket. And he, too, has a history of controversial statements, including at a recent “Congress, Cognac and Cigars” event in Philadelphia, where he seemed to reflect positively on the Jim Crow era when he talked about “reviving it.” of black politics. family.
“You see, during Jim Crow, the Black family was together. During Jim Crow, more black people were not only conservative – black people have always been conservative – but more black people voted conservative,” Donalds said. audio from the Philadelphia Inquirer.