WASHINGTON — John Podesta was two months into his new role as President Joe Biden’s global climate envoy when he faced his first international crisis: what to serve for dinner.
He invited his Chinese counterpart, Liu Zhenmin, to his home, but discovered that his guest—perhaps unsurprisingly—only likes Chinese food. Although Podesta is known for his culinary skills, he usually continues to cook Italian.
“I thought, OK, this is a diplomatic challenge,” Podesta told The Associated Press in an interview.
So Podesta made risotto with leek and fennel, adding a classic Italian dish with vegetables found in Chinese recipes. It was a culinary compromise to smooth over a vital relationship between the world’s two superpowers.
Few other problems can be solved as easily as switching some ingredients. Although Podesta has been working on climate issues for years, the complications and obstacles have only increased as scientists warn that global warming is reaching critical levels.
In the interview, Podesta said he saw opportunities to work with China to limit greenhouse gas emissions, which are even more powerful than carbon dioxide. However, trade differences between the US and China have led to what he described as “a period of some friction and competition”, and Podesta said he would push China to contribute more money to the global fight against climate change.
International negotiations are not Podesta’s sole responsibility. He will also retain his previous role of implementing Biden’s domestic clean energy initiatives. Podesta admitted that progress on electric vehicles has been slower than expected, but he believes there is still momentum despite attempts by the political right to “demonize” zero-emission vehicles.
Above all of Podesta’s efforts are this year’s elections and the threat that Donald Trump could be even more zealous in his efforts to reverse climate progress if he returns to the White House. Podesta warned of a “carte blanche for the polluters”.
“Those things are important,” he said. “Voters can judge whether they are important to them. They are certainly important for the planet.”
The stakes are high for a 75-year-old veteran of Democratic politics who recently started considering retirement.
“I had one foot in the car on the way to California with my wife,” he joked.
Podesta’s plan to step out of public life changed when Biden signed the Inflation Reduction Act two years ago, pumping $375 billion into the fight against climate change. Podesta had helped lay the political groundwork for the law by working with advocacy groups, and Biden asked him to oversee the implementation of financial incentives for clean technologies.
“There is no one else in the United States who knows so many people in government and knows how to get so much done in government,” said Christy Goldfuss, who previously worked at the Center for American Progress, a Democratic-leaning think tank run by Podesta founded twenty years ago.
Podesta’s role expanded into international politics when John Kerry, Biden’s first global climate envoy and former US secretary of state, retired earlier this year. Kerry was known for his close relationship with his Chinese counterpart, Xie Zhenhua, who also resigned and was replaced by Liu.
While neither Podesta nor Liu are new to climate diplomacy, “there is more uncertainty in the bilateral climate relationship than in the past three years,” said Li Shuo, an analyst at the Asia Society who previously worked with Greenpeace in Beijing.
Earlier this month, Podesta hosted Liu in Washington for their first official meeting since taking on their new roles.
“Personal relationships only go so far, but they are important in terms of building the trust that both parties are telling the other what is possible,” Podesta said. “And I think in the end we had a good outcome from the meeting.”
Podesta described the conversations as give and take: “He pushed me, I pushed him.” The US and China have opportunities to improve their reductions in methane and hydrofluorocarbon emissions, he said, and “the world is looking to us to find ways we can work together.”
A sticking point, however, will be an area known as climate finance.
Under the 2015 Paris Agreement, rich countries must collectively provide $100 billion in annual support to developing countries to adopt clean technologies and cope with the impacts of climate change. They reached the goal in 2022, two years behind schedule, according to a report released Wednesday by the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development.
Negotiators must set a new, more ambitious target at the summit in Azerbaijan in November.
“We have a challenge where there are not just billions or even hundreds of billions of dollars of needs,” Podesta said. “We must mobilize trillions of dollars to transform the global economy from one that runs on polluting fossil fuels to one that runs on dirty fossil fuels. that runs on clean energy.”
China has resisted all demands to put its own money into the pot, but Podesta emphasized that the country is the world’s largest emitter of greenhouse gases “and it has an obligation to the rest of the world to contribute.”
The United States is under pressure to increase its own financial obligations, something that poses a challenge now that Republicans are in control of the House of Representatives.
Joe Thwaites, an expert on the subject at the Natural Resources Defense Council, said Biden administration officials have made progress by scraping together funding from across the federal government and looking “behind the proverbial couch cushions.”
Trade issues with China have become more prominent. While China boasts that its manufacturing capacity can help the world transition to a clean energy future, U.S. officials worry about American workers losing their jobs as cheap Chinese electric vehicles and other green products flood U.S. markets.
“There is no doubt that we are now in a fierce competition, especially in these clean technologies,” Podesta said. He suggested that China boost some of its industries and increase exports to offset the pandemic slump and the collapse of its housing market. sector, an approach he described as ‘anti-competitive’.
Biden recently announced higher tariffs on Chinese electric vehicles, batteries and other technologies. He is also pushing U.S. automakers to increase production of zero-emission vehicles through regulations and financial incentives.
“We see continued momentum,” Podesta said. “It may not happen as quickly as people expected. But it is very strong, very progressive. And I think companies are fully committed to that transition to electrification.”
Trump has criticized the focus on electric vehicles, and partisanship has colored motorists’ views on the issue, creating a political and cultural hurdle to lowering emissions from transportation.
“I think the right has demonized electric vehicles a little bit,” Podesta said.
Dave Cooke, senior vehicle analyst at the Union of Concerned Scientists, said that while rules have been relaxed in coming years, carmakers must now step up efforts to ensure they meet stricter targets over time.
“We gave them such an easy time the first few years,” he said. “If they don’t use that time to plan their long-term strategy, it would be extremely problematic.”
Reports from independent analysts show the US is not on track to meet the 2030 emissions reduction target set by Biden, but Podesta said he was not concerned.
“I’m confident we can do that,” he said. “We have already done a tremendous amount.”
He added that clean energy policies in Washington tend to be more partisan than elsewhere in the country.
“The facts on the ground are changing,” Podesta said. “If people start working in these industries, if they benefit from the investments that are coming into their communities and see the results of reducing pollution across the board, I think they will be very difficult to reverse.”